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General Weyand in today's NYT
Dan Duffy <dduffy@email.unc.edu> Hi all, One of the pleasures of the Iraq war has been seeing the VN war recalled One part of the VN war story that has not made it into journalism, Anyways, today's New York Times has a crack in the dike, an op-ed by Marc J. Gilbert <mgilbert@hpu.edu> Dan weites: I haven't seen Bob Buzzanco's book on the topic quoted once. Bob is an authoritarian Ha Noi determinist, but I don't see why that has kept him off even Amy Goodman's War and Peace report, since Amy has her own Dan makes a good point. But as Woody Allen wrote in Annie Hall, no one wishes to be reduced to a social sterotype. Such constructions help explain why so many dissenting views are never heard from or marginalized. Bob's book is an expansion of a much earlier peice on dissent in the military that could have been written by William F. Buckley. Dan knows it well as he wrote its introduction. David Hunt <David.Hunt@umb.edu> Somebody once called me a Stalinist. It was at a French Historical Studies Conference in 1985, and I had just given a paper on the disposition of communal property during the French Revolution. It was a disorienting experience, and of course it hurt, too. So now I am wondering what purpose is served, when an equally unrelated topic is up for discussion, by saying or implying that Bob Buzzanco is a Stalinist. Paul Sager <paul.sager@nyu.edu> Likewise for Amy Goodman. I've never heard anything Stalinistic on her show. Dan, could you produce some evidence for that label? Tuan Hoang <thoang1@nd.edu> In the late 1980s, Weyand gave a well-known interview to Harry Summers (of revisionist fame). There's a lot in the interview, including this excerpt about the fall of 1967, or shortly after the NYT ---- ~Tuan Marc J. Gilbert <mgilbert@hpu.edu> The work I mentioned in my last post was: Informed Dissent:Three Generals and the Viet Nam War Robert Buzzanco and Asad Ismi, Introduction by Dan Duffy, It is a wonderful work! One never knows. Dan may be be doing us a service by marking out the authoritarians, communist-roaders and Stalinists amongst us. However, I thought I had Nguy?n Cao K? pegged to be on the right of Chiggis Khan, but always reserved my professional and personal judgment because in the rough and tumble of politics one often loses sight of the complexity that is human behavior and thought. His return to Vietnam suggests a capacity for political complexity I would have been wrong to dismiss had I subscribed to the familiar discouse about him since 1966. All things change; thus people do, too, as do their views. Whether putting folk in political boxes makes it harder for them to change is one question, but Dan is certainly right about how putting folk in such boxes does impair learning from them, a comment Dan would know I offer more in the vein of Thich Nh?t H?nh than the late heckler comic Don Rickles! I mention this out of experience. By an odd set of coincidences, I was asked to lecture at the United States Air Force Special Operations Command school course on counter-insurgency, as was the American War in Viet Nam veteran and post-war miltiary adviser cum talking head, the late Colonel Harry Summers. We were both asked to relate the war in Viet Nam to subsequent counter-insurgent situations. At the end of the program, the students, an international group of middle grade offficers, asked a panel of lecturers on the segment on Vietnamese insurgent/counter-insurgent warfare, including Summers and myself, what was the one thing we would tell an American President facing any insurgency, given we could tell the holder of that office only _one_ thing. I said, _I would tell any commander-in-chief that whatever you do, before you do it, take the counsel of the very people your advisers tell you not to consult_, outsiders who hold contrarian views (including those that may actually know the people whose conflicting wills have produced the insurgency, if such it was, in the first place). Col. Summers, with whom I disagreed with all of my adult life (especially with his endorsement of the use of nuclear weapons in Viet Nam), surprised me by saying, _I would say the President should remember that there are some things the American people do not want done in their name._ As Dan says, there are many interesting facets of the American War in Viet Nam that have resonance today, but these remarks, given the closed set that was the Bush White House and Rumsfeld's hubris and provacative remarks on Abu Ghraib, etc., have stayed with me thoughtout the Iraq debacle, along with the failure of partitions to effect lasting peace and the paucity of thought that holds firepower superior to politics and diplomacy.
Marc J. Gilbert <mgilbert@hpu.edu> Re: Anti-war movement and Iraq/Vietnam
This discourse is shifting a bit too much toward America (!), but it would not hurt to offer that the numerically small, divided and easily marginalized and demonized anti-war movement, whatever it was, helped create the political space for mass public reconsideration of the failures of American war managers. Without such a movement, ineffective war strategies can drag on for years, hence the current debacle in Iraq.
As in the 1960s-70s, the increasingly open opposition of women (marginalized and demonized. As before), helped galvanize military officers and men like Hawaii's Lt. Ehren Watada (http://www.tomjoad.org/supportlt.htm, for those following Duffy-Buzzanco), who broke the code of silence. In the last two years of his life, William Colby said the US lost in Viet Nam because it could not demonstrate progress toward victory and no democratic nation engaged in a long and costly war can be faulted for (and may , in fact, be duty-bound to) wishing an end to it as result of this failure [he did not say, _whose consequences in blood are on the war leaderships’ hands, not the publics’_, but this may have been implied]. Yes, this is a departure from his Lost Victory thesis, but things do change, even revisionism.
This is what the anti-war leaders today claim credit for helping to bring cloture to failed policy--not the tragic results following the end of the war, a war the anti-war movement did not start. Of course, some argue that their views may have led to/assisted a communist victory, but this discussion is not about that, which requires even more careful discussion i.e. no US intervention, no genocide in Cambodia, just a Vietnamese puppet state until D?i m?i, a process linked to globalization, not merely local history? Or would world communism have triumphed, etc. Hindsight and counterfactual reasoning are difficult paths to negotiate and not the path we are on here.
With thanks,
Marc Tuan Hoang <thoang1@nd.edu> Yes, I agree with Marc's point about the credit claimed by the anti-war movement. I copied the quote in full, because of the bits about fall 1967 and government-military relationship. But as often the case with interviewees, Weyand peppers the main points with side comments, in this case about the anti-war movement. Weyand was probably right that Americans turned against the war for pragmatic than ideological reasons. Some of them might have even been influenced by the NYT article in August 1967 that quoted him anonymously. ~Tuan
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